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Disturbances in Heaven. Made in China Yearbook 2016

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ISBN: 9781760461072 Year: DOI: 10.22459/MIC.02.2017 Language: English
Publisher: ANU Press
Subject: Law --- Political Science --- Social Sciences --- Languages and Literatures
Added to DOAB on : 2017-04-06 11:01:29
License: ANU Press

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Labour and civil society are two fundamental components of international discussions concerning China today. Whether it is the arrest of labour activists or rights lawyers, the adoption of new industrial policies, or the passing of draconian rules on non-governmental organisations, the events occurring in these areas in China often make global headlines. At the same time, in spite of the grave challenges for workers and activists, the Chinese labour movement is witnessing significant developments, with the occurrence of some of the largest strikes in decades. All of this calls for more serious analysis from both scholars and practitioners, as well for critical engagement with a broader global audience interested in forging international solidarity. It is with these aims in mind that we have compiled this Made in China Yearbook 2016: Disturbances in Heaven, a collection of original articles by both scholars and activists, analysing the most important trends in Chinese labour and civil society over the past year. With its unique blend of in-depth scholarly work written in a direct, accessible style, this volume will allow readers to situate events and policies related to Chinese labour and civil society in a wider context, and serve as an indispensable reference book for international activists, practitioners, and policy-makers.

Keywords

labour --- civil society --- china

Chapter: 'Introduction' from book: Public Brainpower: Civil Society and Natural Resource Management (Book chapter)

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ISBN: 9783319606262 9783319606279 Year: Pages: 22 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60627-9 Language: English
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2017-10-30 16:49:01
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This introductory chapter establishes the analytical framework for the edited volume. The literature on the resource curse and institutions is briefly discussed, along with the work on civil society and the public sphere by Almond and Verba, Dahl, Habermas and Putnam. Drawing on these classics, the theoretical concept of ‘public brainpower’ is formulated. The main pillar of public brainpower is polycentricity, or the coexistence of many different public actors freely expressing their thoughts: individual citizens, political parties, trade unions, charities, companies, research institutes, religious institutions, mass media and government institutions. The more polycentric a society is, the greater is its brainpower: its memory becomes more comprehensive and multifaceted, different actors can perform quality control of each other’s ideas and arguments, and it is more difficult to repress challenging views. Above all, a polycentric society has a broader base for creativity. The greater the public brainpower of a society, the better its management of natural resources. Finally, the book's 18 case studies of oil- and gas-producing countries are briefly presented, along with the methodology and definitions of key terminology used throughout the volume.

Chapter: 'Norway: Public Debate and the Management of Petroleum Resources and Revenues' from book: Public Brainpower: Civil Society and Natural Resource Management (Book chapter)

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ISBN: 9783319606262 9783319606279 Year: Pages: 28 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60627-9_13 Language: English
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2017-10-30 16:54:11
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This chapter assesses the importance of civil society involvement and public debate for Norwegian petroleum governance. It finds that during the early years of the country’s oil and gas development, the most important choices were made by a small number of decision-makers in government with little input from the rest of society. The attitude of government officials was therefore decisive for Norway’s early successes. During the two first decades of Norway’s petroleum era, also economists at the Ministry of Finance, the Norwegian School of Economics, Statistics Norway and the University of Oslo played important roles. One of the greatest successes of Norwegian oil and gas governance, the sovereign wealth fund, was created by technocrats in interaction with politicians. However, over time, and in a way similar to the Netherlands, civil society and public debate came to play more influential roles. What characterizes contemporary Norwegian petroleum governance is that it has many legs to stand on: an active and diverse civil society, free and diverse media, many political parties representing differing interests, numerous institutions of research and higher education and, importantly, a strong technocracy inside and outside government. In combination, these legs provide for both reliability and dynamism as Norwegian petroleum governance evolves. Finally, a key aspect of Norway’s Nordic model is constant compromise—which is difficult to achieve in more polarized societies.

Chapter: 'Kazakhstan: Civil Society and Natural Resource Policy in Kazakhstan' from book: Public Brainpower: Civil Society and Natural Resource Management (Book chapter)

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ISBN: 9783319606262 9783319606279 Year: Pages: 19 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60627-9_9 Language: English
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2017-10-30 16:57:32
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In Kazakhstan, civil society is held back and has had a limited role in the management of the petroleum sector. As this chapter notes, civil society has had little experience of promoting its own interests vis-à-vis the state, and public discussion of natural resource issues has been mainly government-driven. The fact that Kazakhstan made a notable step forward—from being a collapsing socialist economy in the 1990s to becoming a regional economic player with improved social and economic performance—has helped to legitimize non-transparent natural resource policies. As long as the socio-economic situation continues to improve or remains stable, the non-transparent management of natural resources is likely to be accepted by the population, which, like the Russian population, puts a premium on stability. The relative passivity of civil society has been compensated by Kazakhstan’s exposure to international initiatives and organizations such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), and numerous UN agencies. As in Azerbaijan, the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) has provided a platform for some civil society engagement with industry and government.

Chapter: 'Russia: Public Debate and the Petroleum Sector' from book: Public Brainpower: Civil Society and Natural Resource Management (Book chapter)

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ISBN: 9783319606262 9783319606279 Year: Pages: 28 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60627-9_15 Language: English
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2017-10-30 17:00:32
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In Russia, civil society engagement with the petroleum sector is surprisingly rich and varied for a country that is ranked low on most democracy-related indicators. This chapter finds that there is a lively and varied public debate, with business associations, research institutes, independent experts, indigenous organizations and the few surviving independent media actively and often competently analysing and commenting on a broad range of issues related to the oil and gas sector. Russians were early users of social media, which occasionally also function as a platform for discussion of petroleum-policy issues. However, the real impact of civil society on decision-making and policy formulation in the petroleum sector is not as great as the diversity of actors and discussion might imply. One key reason is the tight government control over mainstream media outlets. The situation for free speech and civil society worsened steadily from around 2004 to 2016. As in neighbouring Kazakhstan, the Russian population puts a high premium on stability over freedom. While a central concern in this book is whether the media and civil society have any influence on the petroleum sector, in Russia the paradoxical situation is that the relationship is often reversed: the gas company Gazprom, rather than another organizational vehicle, is used by the government to control key mass media, and the oil company Yukos played a central role in promoting civil society until its main owner Mikhail Khodorkovsky was arrested and the company was carved up.

Back to Old Habits : Isolationism or the Self-Preservation of Burma’s Military Regime

Authors: ---
ISBN: 9782956447061 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.498 Language: English
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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This book argues that the Burmese military regime has always favoured an isolationist-type policy that finds its grassroots in Ne Win’s autarchic and xenophobic era as well as in Burma’s royal traditions, but without being completely cut off from the outside world. This policy approach is well suited to the Burmese authoritarian state which boasts an important strategic position in the region. In the past decade, the politics of “isolationism without isolation” has been skilfully developed by Burma’s military elite in order to preserve itself from both internal and external threats. Since the Depayin crackdown in May 2003, every step the Burmese junta has taken indicates that it has been consciously defining both its foreign policy and its internal political agenda according to these isolationist tendencies, as the recent fallbacks that followed the “Saffron Revolution” (September 2007) and the Cyclone Nargis (May 2008) illustrate. Not only does the military regime tend to strategically withdraw itself from the regional scene, by choosing only a few but crucial diplomatic and commercial partners like China, India, Singapore, Russia or Thailand, but it also gradually isolates itself from the rest of the Burmese society, by opting for a strategic and nationalist entrenchment which was perfectly highlighted by the purge of the pragmatic Military Intelligence Services (2004), the transfer of the capital to Naypyidaw (2005) and the strict control over the transitional process initiated by its own “Road Map towards a disciplined democracy” and undisrupted by the recent crises.

Keywords

democracy --- freedom --- Civil Society --- army --- junta --- autarchy

Das Europa der Europäer

Authors: --- --- --- --- et al.
Book Series: Kultur und soziale Praxis ISBN: 9783837616262 9783839416266 Year: DOI: 10.14361/transcript.9783839416266 Language: German
Publisher: transcript Verlag Grant: Knowledge Unlatched - 103241
Subject: Sociology
Added to DOAB on : 2018-03-30 11:01:57
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Wurden die Grundeinstellungen europäischer Bürger bisher fast exklusiv durch quantitative Methoden beobachtet und erklärt, so geht die in diesem Buch vorgestellte international vergleichende Studie einen anderen Weg: Das Ziel der von 2006 bis 2009 durchgeführten Erhebungen war es, genauere qualitative Untersuchungstechniken einzusetzen, um so die Komplexität und Vielfalt der Wahrnehmungen und Reaktionen der "Normalbürger" besser wiederzugeben. Ein wichtiger Beitrag zur Vielfalt der Einstellungen zu Europa und zur Erklärung der allgemeinen Distanz der meisten Bürger in Bezug auf die EU.(aus dem Französischen von Frank Weigand und Markus Merz)

Das Ringen um die Zivilgesellschaft in der Türkei

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Book Series: Kultur und soziale Praxis ISBN: 9783837617702 9783839417706 Year: DOI: 10.14361/transcript.9783839417706 Language: German
Publisher: transcript Verlag Grant: Knowledge Unlatched - 103265
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2018-03-30 11:01:57
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Der Zivilgesellschaftsdiskurs wurde in der Türkei nach dem Militärputsch von 1980 populär. Anil Al-Rebholz fragt, ob das Aufkommen dieses Diskurses als Hinweis auf die Herausbildung von Zivilgesellschaft in der Türkei verstanden werden kann. Dabei wird die politisch-diskursive Praxis vier oppositioneller Gruppen untersucht. In den Interviews mit öffentlich bekannten Intellektuellen sowie mit den Protagonistinnen und Protagonisten dieser Bewegungen wird die Transformation der gesellschaftlichen Wissensproduktion und der politischen Praxis aufgezeigt. Jenseits kulturalistischer und orientalistischer Ansichten wird ein hegemonietheoretischer Ansatz entwickelt, der neue Perspektiven auf die gesellschaftliche Transformation in der Türkei der letzten 30 Jahre ermöglicht.

Die soziale Magie politischer Repräsentation

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Book Series: Sozialtheorie ISBN: 9783837615753 9783839415757 Year: DOI: 10.14361/transcript.9783839415757 Language: German
Publisher: transcript Verlag Grant: Knowledge Unlatched - 103234
Subject: Sociology
Added to DOAB on : 2018-03-30 11:01:58
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Es entfaltet sich eine soziale Magie, wenn Stellvertreter durch ihr Reden und Handeln als politische Repräsentanten in Erscheinung treten. Um politische Repräsentation jenseits von Wahlen verstehen zu können und für nicht-gewählte Interessengruppen nutzbar zu machen, erweitert Erik Jentges bestehende Theorien durch soziologische Konzepte von Weber, Elias, Bourdieu und Canetti. Er zeigt, dass Stellvertretungsfigurationen durch Charismatisierungsprozesse und Repräsentationsansprüche strukturiert werden - und dass dabei jene Anerkennung entstehen kann, in der die soziale Magie politischer Repräsentation zu wirken beginnt.

Manifeste

Authors: ---
Book Series: Studien des Göttinger Instituts für Demokratieforschung zur Geschichte politischer und gesellschaftlicher Kontroversen ISBN: 9783837616798 9783839416792 Year: DOI: 10.14361/transcript.9783839416792 Language: German
Publisher: transcript Verlag Grant: Knowledge Unlatched - 103238
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2018-03-30 11:01:58
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Politische Manifeste - einst eine Fürsten, Königen und Kaisern vorbehaltene Kommunikationsform - haben sich zu einem Medium protestierender Bürger gewandelt. Anhand einer Reihe von Porträts unternimmt dieser Band eine Exkursion in die Geschichte politischer Manifeste. Von Georg Büchner über Werner Heisenberg bis zu Hans-Peter Dürr soll die "Kraft des Wortes" vom Vormärz bis zur Gegenwart beurteilt werden: Wie entstehen und funktionieren politische Manifeste? Weshalb vermögen es einige, die Massen zu mobilisieren, während andere nur Randnotizen der Geschichte bleiben?

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