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Vietnam: One-Party State and the Mimicry of the Civil Society

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ISBN: 9782355960161 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.1026 Language: English
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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Are the issues of civil society, “good governance”, and the role of NGOs in Vietnam part of a discursive discourse that is linked to a growing development industry in which development studies and economics dominate? Kleinen questions these issues based upon longitudinal research in Vietnam since the early 1990s. In this study, an effort is made to explain the concrete interactions between authorities of the Vietnamese one-party state and its citizens by introducing an attitude of participants to conceal their real intentions with the intent to disguise their actions in order to obtain benefits for their own. Using the concept of mimicry the author tries to grasp what it means to live in a society where political and economic life is dominated by elite groups and were social change is coming from different directions. Two case studies are presented here: one in which local stakeholders of home stay tourism achieve their goals to develop an acceptable form of co-habitation with ethnic minorities without questioning the state. Another case study focuses upon the rapid urbanization of the periphery of Hanoi where land grabbing and private economic gains of outsiders are at loggerheads with local experiences and perceptions of state-village relationships. The question remains what it means for Vietnam's modernization and the prospects of a civil society.

Keywords

media --- politics --- Civil Society --- Press --- governance --- rights --- development --- ngo --- freedoms

Les Musulmans de Thaïlande

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ISBN: 9782355960284 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.1278 Language: French
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Social Sciences
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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L’image de la Thaïlande est étroitement associée à celle du bouddhisme. On sait moins que ce pays fait partie, depuis 1998, des membres observateurs de l’Organisation de la Conférence Islamique ou que figurent, au plus haut niveau de son appareil d’Etat, plusieurs personnalités musulmanes. Il faut dire que la communauté représente 8% de la population nationale. Majoritaire dans certaines provinces du sud du pays, elle est également de plus en plus visible à Bangkok où son importance démographique ne cesse de croître. Quelles sont les origines de l’Islam dans le royaume ? Comment les musulmans se sont-ils intégrés à la nation thaïlandaise ? Quels sont les termes de la réaffirmation identitaire de cette minorité au sein d’un pays sensible aux effets de la globalisation ? Dans une Asie du Sud-Est où les peuples de tradition islamique pèsent d’un poids important, les musulmans de Thaïlande peuvent-ils jouer le rôle de trait d’union entre le Lotus et le Croissant ? Cet ouvrage tente de répondre à ces questions, particulièrement importantes à un moment où l’image des sociétés musulmanes est, en Thaïlande comme ailleurs, brouillée par l’essor des attitudes réactionnelles génératrices de radicalisation.

Thaïlande : Aux origines d'une crise

Authors: --- --- ---
ISBN: 9782355960024 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.776 Language: French
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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La longue crise qui sévit en Thaïlande a touché tous les secteurs d'activités en révélant au monde des dysfonctionnements de la société thaïlandaise qui « posent question » aux acteurs économiques, aux chercheurs et aux journalistes. Ce carnet se justifie pour plusieurs raisons. La première est que de nombreux analystes internationaux nous ont demandé un avis sur la situation. Nous présentons ici une réponse la plus cohérente possible en fonction de nos données. La deuxième est que l'Irasec, de par sa position géographique (situé à Bangkok) est au cœur de l'événement et a pu suivre au quotidien la situation. La troisième est que l'Institut prépare une réédition de sa Monographie nationale sur la Thaïlande contemporaine dans une version remaniée et actualisée qui lui permet d'avoir une réflexion plus profonde sur les origines de la crise. Il s'agit donc de mettre ce matériel à disposition. Pour ce faire, nous avons sélectionné trois contributions de la nouvelle version de Thaïlande contemporaine, absentes de la première édition, qui abordent le problème de front en les condensant pour les besoins du carnet. Nous y avons ajouté les interviews menées dans le cadre de cette réédition, que nous présentons avant leur réécriture (les versions complètes paraîtront dans la monographie). Le chapitre de Jacques Ivanoff (Cnrs - Irasec) « Construction ethnique et ethnorégionalisme en Thaïlande », celui de Narumon Hinshiranan Arunotai (université de Chulalongkorn - Cusri) et Olivier Ferrari (chercheur associé Irasec - Cusri) « La Thainess ou la pratique de l'idéologie culturelle en Thaïlande », et celui de Arnaud Leveau (Irasec) « Une crise multicolore, état des forces en présence » seront publiés dans leur intégralité dans la Monographie nationale Thaïlande contemporaine sous la direction de Stéphane Dovert et Jacques Ivanoff (dernier trimestre 2010, www.indessavantes.com ).

Negotiating Women’s Veiling : Politics & Sexuality in Contemporary Indonesia

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ISBN: 9782355960109 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.981 Language: English
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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This study will focus on the Indonesian jilbab, an ubiquitous piece of cloth that covers the hair and neck of women tightly, leaving no skin unconcealed. Achievement and role of jilbab after the authoritarian regime of Soeharto in 1998 is hardly known. The author examines women perception but also the Sharia Ordinances and the narratives of censorship. Voices of both women and sexual minorities (transgenders, gays, lesbians, bisexuals and queers) finally demonstrate awareness of the politics of representation in contemporary Indonesia, highlighting the links between religion, politics and identity.

Keywords

politics --- gender --- democracy --- sexuality --- Civil Society --- Women --- rights --- Indonesia --- freedoms

Islam and the 2009 Indonesian Elections, Political and Cultural Issues : The Case of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)

Authors: --- ---
ISBN: 9782355960017 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.754 Language: English
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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The history of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is part of the longstanding tradition of political Islam in Indonesia. Born in 1912 with the foundation of the Union of Muslim Traders (Sarekat Dagang Islam) this trend dominated the emerging nationalism in the Dutch East Indies for nearly twenty years. This initial momentum lies at the the origin of the two-dimensional Islamist project: to islamicise society by cleansing Islam of all practices considered to be impure; to mobilise the electorate by invoking Islamic values and their necessary implementation. Indeed, the birth and development of political Islam was closely linked to the reformist Muslim movement which in religious, cultural and social matters attempted to face the colonial challenge through a religious surge. In Indonesia, the Muhammadiyah, founded in 1912, and the Persatuan Islam, founded in 1923, provided most of the early generations of activists. During the decade after independence, militant Islam played a leading role in Indonesian politics. Between 1945 and 1960, the Masjumi party, which brought together most Muslim organisations, was one of the main government components and thereby constituted the matrix of political Islam in Indonesia to which the current generation of activists still refer. The discussions conducted within this party, especially the delicate compromises made between divine law and people's democracy, preconfigured the present debates conducted by Islamic parties. Like the current leaders of the PKS, this first generation of “government Islamists” was also confronted with economic and social modernity issues such as those related to the role of the West in this process. As the two following contributions remind us, its failure is mainly due to domestic reasons that in turn heavily influenced the way Indonesian Islam later considered these issues. Banned by President Sukarno and marginalised by the emerging New Order, the proponents of militant Islam had no choice but to withdraw from conventional politics. Here the organisational model of the Muslim Brotherhood (also repressed in several Arab countries) as well as the financial resources and literature made available to them by Wahhabi Islam networks contributed to the radicalisation of their discourse. The two terms Dakwah (preaching) and Tarbiyah (education) were therefore used to describe a movement based on the conviction that the re-Islamisation of Indonesian society was the essential precondition for its return to the political scene. Paradoxically, after the initial phase of repression, it was the New Order that favoured this agenda. From the early 1990s, some of the networks born from the Islamic revival were instrumented by a power lacking support and looking for scapegoats (Sino-Indonesian Christians...) on whom to deflect public anger. However, most student associations from the Tarbiyah movement did not let themselves be dragged into this trend and, true to their moral position, joined the opposition against the declining Soeharto regime. From this movement the Justice Party (PK) was born in 1998 (later transformed into the Prosperous Justice Party, or the PKS).

Des montagnards aux minorités ethniques : Quelle intégration nationale pour les habitants des hautes terres du Viêt Nam et du Cambodge ?

Authors: --- --- ---
ISBN: 9782355960338 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.1420 Language: French
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: History
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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Comment peut-on être vietnamien sans être việt ; être cambodgien sans être khmer ? C'est la question qui se pose aux Jaraï, Brou, Mnong et autres Stieng, populations autochtones des hauts plateaux, à la frontière entre les deux pays. Ces peuples, longtemps indépendants sur les hautes terres de la chaîne Anamitique, doivent aujourd'hui faire face à des mouvements migratoires sans précédent. Les nouveaux venus, colons des plaines, fonctionnaires, forestiers, commerçants, planteurs de café, gagnent peu à peu sur leurs terres, bouleversant fondamentalement leur mode de vie. Contraints à l'intégration, les habitants des hauts plateaux se battent pour éviter une assimilation pure et simple ; pour que leurs cultures ne soient pas sacrifiées sur l'autel du développement national. Ce livre fait émerger les enjeux de leurs revendications et des réponses qui leur sont apportées par les gouvernements du Cambodge et du Viêt Nam.

The Kachin Conflict : Testing the Limits of the Political Transition in Myanmar

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ISBN: 9782355960154 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.241 Language: English
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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Fighting in Kachin state flared back up just months after President Thien Sein came to power in March 2011. The new government almost immediately began negotiating a series of peace agreements with ethnic armed groups declaring that the signature of a nationwide ceasefire with all ethnic armed groups would be a priority for this first civilian administration. By convincing the majority of groups involved in armed struggle against the Tatmadaw to sign ceasefire agreements, the predominantly civilian government succeeded in winning some credibility, both nationally and internationally. At the same time, several old fault lines have re-emerged, among them the conflict in Kachin and Northern Shan States. The roots of the conflict in Kachin State between the KIO and government troops go back to grievances over control of the territory (and its lucrative natural resources) and the preservation of ethnic identity after the end of British colonial rule in 1948. The rekindling of this old conflict, after seventeen years of ceasefire, serves as a powerful reminder of the fragility of certain aspects of the transition process. The setback to conflict and blockage of peace process with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and its Army (KIA) show that some structural political issues remain, such as the recognition of local power structures and decentralization. While much has been written in the media about the legal, economic, and political reforms in Myanmar; academic research about the Kachin Conflict, as well as firsthand information remains scarce. Analyzing the causes of the conflict and current impediments to peace in Kachin territories provides an illustration of the limits of the transition process. This research examines the personal experiences of a strong sample of influential Kachin people, shows the complexity of notions of war and peace in the collective Kachin memory, as well as the reinterpretation of these by local leadership for political ends.

Buddhism and Politics in Thailand

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ISBN: 9782355960468 DOI: 10.4000/books.irasec.2951 Language: English
Publisher: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine
Subject: Political Science
Added to DOAB on : 2019-12-06 13:15:36
License: OpenEdition Licence for Books

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Despite the often-repeated assertion that Buddhism and politics are, or at least must be, separate matters, Buddhism has been closely intertwined with politics one way or another since the Buddha’s time. In Thailand, Buddhism has been used since the end of the 19th century as a tool to legitimate state power. In the following decades, it has been progressively centralized under a national hierarchy, which is still existing today. This scheme was not altered after the change of the country’s political framework in 1932 and political tensions with the sangha came to the fore during the political troubles of the 1970s. The emergence of an increasing political divide in Thailand since the mid-2000s, around two broad groups which have been dubbed the Yellow Shirts and the Red Shirts, has engulfed the monastic community, leading to a growing activism by some Buddhist groups, some temples and some monks. Numerous monks mingled with Red Shirts demonstrators in April-May 2010, and some were on the front-line when the military gave the assault on the Red Shirts’ camp in downtown Bangkok. In the most recent years, these tensions have coalesced around the controversial Dhammakaya temple and have impacted the choice of the leader of the Thai monastic community. Although, tensions within the sangha are nothing new, they have weakened the ability of Buddhism – one of the national pillars of the Thai national ideology – to be a focal point as the country is going through a difficult transition with the end of seven-decades prestigious reign and political uncertainties clouding the horizon.

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